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Pakistan to supply 16 JF-17s and 12 Super Mushshak aircraft to Libyan faction

Simon Osuji by Simon Osuji
January 5, 2026
in Military & Defense
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Pakistan to supply 16 JF-17s and 12 Super Mushshak aircraft to Libyan faction
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The global defense export market witnessed a tectonic shift in late December 2025 as Pakistan finalized a deal worth over $4 billion to supply advanced military hardware to the Libyan National Army, or LNA. This agreement represents one of the largest defense contracts in Pakistan’s history and marks the first time its flagship 4.5-generation fighter jet, the JF-17 Thunder, has been sold to an Arab nation. The deal was solidified during a high-profile visit to the eastern Libyan city of Benghazi by Pakistan’s military chief, Field Marshal Asim Munir, who met with Saddam Khalifa Haftar, the deputy commander-in-chief of the LNA.

The LNA, led by Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar, operates as a rival authority to the United Nations-recognised Government of National Unity in Tripoli. This transaction takes place against the backdrop of a long-standing UN arms embargo on Libya, which has been in effect since 2011. While the embargo remains technically active, international observers and UN panels have recently described the mechanism as ineffective, as various foreign powers increasingly provide open military assistance to both eastern and western factions.

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For the LNA, the acquisition of modern fixed-wing combat aircraft is a strategic imperative. The force currently controls the east and south of the country, including critical oilfields. Still, it has historically struggled to counter the advanced unmanned systems deployed by the Tripoli-based government. By integrating high-performance fighter jets, the Benghazi-based forces intend to secure air superiority and establish a more credible deterrent against Western-aligned militias and their international patrons.

The Export Package: JF-17 Block III and Super Mushshak

The core of the $4 billion to $4.6 billion agreement involves a significant transfer of aerospace technology. According to documents seen by Reuters and confirmed by Pakistani defence officials, the package includes 16 JF-17 multi-role fighter jets and 12 Super Mushshak trainer aircraft. The delivery schedule spans years and encompasses equipment for land, sea, and air operations, as well as joint training and domestic military manufacturing initiatives.

The JF-17 Thunder, specifically the Block III (JF-17C) variant, is the centrepiece of the deal. Jointly developed by the Pakistan Aeronautical Complex and the Chengdu Aircraft Industry Group of China, the Block III represents a substantial upgrade over its predecessors. It features an Active Electronically Scanned Array, or AESA, radar and a redesigned internal avionics suite. In terms of lethality, the platform is compatible with the PL-15E, a Chinese-made long-range air-to-air missile with an estimated range of 145 kilometres.

The inclusion of the Super Mushshak provides the LNA with an essential training pipeline. Based on the Saab MFI-17 design, the Super Mushshak is a robust, 260-horsepower basic trainer capable of operating from short, unprepared runways. This ensures that the LNA can train a new generation of pilots locally, reducing reliance on foreign flight schools.

The JF-17’s combat credentials served as a primary selling point during the negotiations. Field Marshal Munir noted that the aircraft demonstrated its advanced capabilities during aerial clashes with India in May 2025. During that conflict, which included operations codenamed “Sindoor” and “Bunyan Marsoos,” Pakistani officials claimed that JF-17 and J-10C fighters successfully engaged and downed multiple Indian aircraft, including at least one French-made Dassault Rafale. This performance has allowed Pakistan to market the JF-17 as a battle-proven, cost-effective alternative to Western platforms that often come with heavy political conditions.

Shifting the Balance of Power in Libya

The introduction of 16 JF-17s could radically alter the security landscape of North Africa. Since the 2011 NATO-backed uprising, the Libyan Air Force has been a shadow of its former self, consisting mostly of antiquated Cold War-era platforms like the MiG-21 and Su-22. While Russia reportedly transferred unmarked MiG-29 Fulcrums to the LNA-controlled Al Jufra airbase in 2020, these aircraft operate under a cloud of deniability and limited operational transparency.

The JF-17C provides a more sustainable and modern capability. Its integration with advanced air-to-air and air-to-ground munitions allows it to conduct precision strikes and stand-off engagements that surpass anything currently in the Tripoli government’s arsenal. Currently, the Tripoli-based forces rely heavily on Turkish-supplied Bayraktar TB2 and Akinci combat drones. While these drones are effective for counter-insurgency and tactical surveillance, they lack the speed, radar capability, and survivability to contest airspace against a 4.5-generation jet fighter.

If the Tripoli government fails to acquire comparable assets within the next two years, the LNA will possess a notable advantage in air power. This disparity could encourage a return to large-scale offensive operations, similar to the 2019-2020 siege of the capital. The addition of the JF-17C essentially gives the LNA the capability to target drone control stations and logistical hubs with impunity, provided they can manage the high technical demands of maintaining such a fleet.

The LNA is currently enhancing its firepower; in May 2025, the force carried out a military parade, displaying its latest acquisitions of advanced weaponry, which includes Tor-M2 short-range air defence missile system and the BM-30 Smerch multiple rocket launchers, both appearing in Libya for the first time. The LNA’s aerospace capabilities also received a boost, with two French-made Eurocopter AS332 Super Puma utility helicopters, painted in desert camouflage and bearing Libyan Air Force markings, joining the lineup. These were accompanied by a Mil Mi-26, making Libya the fourth African nation to operate this massive helicopter, as well as SA341 Gazelle and AgustaWestland AW109 models, all enhancing the LNA’s mobility and logistical reach. On the ground, troops displayed Chinese-made WRJ-Q02 anti-drone guns, lightweight devices designed to disable small and medium UAVs, reflecting the rising importance of counter-drone tactics. Dozens of Toyota 4×4 technicals in various configurations, some equipped with jamming devices, rolled alongside U.S.-made Tomcar TX all-terrain vehicles and several Ford cars, adding to the LNA’s diverse fleet.

The parade’s mix of cutting-edge and legacy systems painted a picture of an LNA adapting to modern warfare while leveraging its existing resources. MiG-29 jets and Su-24 strike aircraft, reportedly flown by Russia’s Africa Corps, buzzed overhead, while four Pantsir-S1 systems, including two ex-UAE units on MAN SX45 chassis, reinforced the LNA’s air defence network. The display of Scud-B and Luna-M missiles, though outdated, showed the LNA’s intent to maintain a broad range of options. Meanwhile, the integration of Chinese drones and the retrofitting of tanks and infantry vehicles with protective enhancements underscored a practical approach to evolving threats.

China and Pakistan: The “Political Shield” Strategy

The geopolitical architecture of this deal suggests a sophisticated manoeuvre by Beijing to expand its influence in North Africa while avoiding direct diplomatic friction. Analysts note that by routing these exports through Pakistan, China can sidestep the regulatory and political scrutiny that accompanies direct sales into sanctioned environments. Although the JF-17 incorporates Chinese radars, engines, and missiles, it is technically a Pakistani product.

This arrangement allows China to benefit financially and strategically from the sale while maintaining a layer of distance from the transaction. This “intermediary” model is particularly useful in Libya, where China maintains cooperative ties with Turkey. Since Turkey supports the rival Tripoli government, a direct Chinese sale to the LNA would damage Beijing’s relationship with Ankara. Pakistan, however, functions as a shield, absorbing the political risk and legal criticism regarding the arms embargo.

The deal also reflects the interests of the United Arab Emirates, a major backer of Khalifa Haftar. The UAE has previously facilitated the transfer of Chinese-made Wing Loong drones to the LNA. By supporting a Pakistani-led supply chain, the UAE and China create a defence ecosystem for the LNA that exists entirely outside Western supply chains and oversight.

Legal Fragility and Industrial Ambition

The $4 billion agreement presents an open challenge to the credibility of international law. The UN Security Council has maintained an arms embargo on Libya since 2011 to prevent the proliferation of heavy weaponry in a fractured state. However, Pakistani officials have defended the deal by stating it does not violate any UN resolutions. They argue that there are no personal sanctions on Khalifa Haftar and that Benghazi is increasingly recognised as a stable economic partner by Western governments due to rising fuel exports.

The deal is also a desperate economic lifeline for Islamabad. Pakistan is currently navigating a severe economic crisis, relying on a $7 billion IMF bailout to avoid default. High inflation and low foreign exchange reserves have pushed the government to aggressively pursue defence exports. By positioning itself as a supplier of advanced hardware without the human rights or political strings often attached by the United States or Europe, Pakistan aims to capture a larger share of the Global South’s defence budget.

Historically, Libya has attempted to modernise its fleet with Western hardware, most notably a multi-billion-euro deal for 14 French Rafales in the late 2000s. That agreement collapsed following the 2011 uprising and the death of Muammar Gaddafi. The subsequent imprisonment of former French President Nicolas Sarkozy in 2025 for his role in accepting illegal campaign funding from the Gaddafi regime serves as a reminder of the complex and often illicit history of Libyan defence procurement. By turning to Pakistan, the LNA is betting on a partner that is less likely to be swayed by European domestic politics or changing international norms.

As the LNA enters this new phase of “strategic military cooperation,” the regional impact will be felt far beyond the borders of Libya. The contract includes joint training and military manufacturing, suggesting that Pakistan intends to embed its personnel and industry within the LNA’s command structure. If successful, this partnership could provide a blueprint for other nations seeking modern military capabilities while bypassing traditional Western diplomatic channels.

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